[She joined Sheehan's protest and believes it helped rouse enough public opposition to the war to make it easier for politicians to demand a new Iraq policy. They hope that fervor will wash over a Sept. 24 anti-war rally in Washington and rock the capitol.] It should be easier for them now,.. The voice is there.
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I'm very moved by one person making a difference. This isn't an anti-war protest. The beauty of it lies in its silence.. And I never expected it to get this large.
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I think urban legends, whether true or not, are a pretty sensitive gauge of people's frustrations over things like gasoline prices. The situation in Iraq is frustrating to both pro and anti-war folks, and in some of the other realities of modern life you look for someone to blame, and you start at the top.
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The thing that is most hypocritical is choosing the 75th anniversary of his birth -- the man who was the epitome of peace, perhaps the most noted African-American anti-war individual
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A lot of people think 'Alice's Restaurant' was an anti-war song. It's not. It's an anti-idiot song
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The truth is that the anti-war movement is growing, not only in America but throughout the world. And that is the real issue.
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It's the next big thing for the anti-war movement.
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I don't think there is an anti-war movement,.. What Republicans have to be concerned about is if this frustration turns out to be the fulcrum for votes. That could spell some punishment for Republicans.
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Cindy Sheehan and the people she's with are not just anti-war. They're also anti-truth and anti-American. There's legitimate debate about the war, but these people are for immediate withdrawal, which would throw the country into chaos.
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It was basically a civil rights movement, an anti-war movement. It was a planetary movement against Vietnam. It was in France, in Germany -- everywhere in Europe.
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We felt a need to revive the anti-war movement in America, to make it more effective.
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Support for the anti-war message is so important,.. That we are willing to participate in a demonstration with others whose views we find obnoxious.
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We believe we are at a tipping point whereby the anti-war sentiment has now become the majority sentiment.
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A great achievement of modern liberalism -- and a primary reason for its surviving decades past the credibility of its ideas -- is that it captured black resentment as an exclusive source of power. It even gave this resentment a Democratic Party affiliation. (Anti-war sentiment is the other great source of liberal power, but it is not the steady provider that black and minority resentment has been).
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Well, I will quickly correct the record that they are not anti-war extremists. The majority of people I saw in Crawford were actually veterans' groups.
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Mothers seeing their sons die are not only a very powerful and emotional anti-war face but the one group in a position now to lead the opposition.
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It has sort of an anti-war feel to it. Controversy over this is to be expected at such a 'Bush-backed' university.
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What he meant, of course, was that there would always be wars, that they were as easy to stop as glaciers. I believe that, too. And even if wars didn't keep coming like glaciers, there would still be plain old death.
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Pacifism is objectively pro-fascist. This is elementary common sense. If you hamper the war effort of one side, you automatically help out that of the other. Nor is there any real way of remaining outside such a war as the present one. In practice, 'he that is not with me is against me'.
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You can walk around this culture now, as a proud supporter of the so called anti-war movement and it's made up of a lot of people I used to know I'd like for them to be asked more often than they are, if your advice had been taken over the last 15 or so years; Slobodan Milosevic would still be the dictator of not just Serbia but also of a cleansed and ruined Bosnia and Kosovo. Saddam Hussein would still be the owner of Kuwait as well as Iraq, he would of nearly have doubled his holding of the worlds oil. The Taliban would still be in charge of Afghanistan. Don't you feel a little reproach to your so called high principle anti-war policy? Would that really have led to less violence, less cruelty?
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That war [Bosnian war] in the early 1990s changed a lot for me. I never thought I would see, in Europe, a full-dress reprise of internment camps, the mass murder of civilians, the reinstiutution of torture and rape as acts of policy. And I didn't expect so many of my comrades to be indifferent - or even take the side of the fascists. It was a time when many people on the left were saying 'Don't intervene, we'll only make things worse' or, 'Don't intervene, it might destabilise the region. And I thought - destabilisation of fascist regimes is a good thing. Why should the left care about the stability of undemocratic regimes? Wasn't it a good thing to destabilise the regime of General Franco? It was a time when the left was mostly taking the conservative, status quo position - leave the Balkans alone, leave Milosevic alone, do nothing. And that kind of conservatism can easily mutate into actual support for the aggressors. Weimar-style conservatism can easily mutate into National Socialism. So you had people like Noam Chomsky's co-author Ed Herman go from saying 'Do nothing in the Balkans', to actually supporting Milosevic, the most reactionary force in the region. That's when I began to first find myself on the same side as the neocons. I was signing petitions in favour of action in Bosnia, and I would look down the list of names and I kept finding, there's Richard Perle. There's Paul Wolfowitz. That seemed interesting to me. These people were saying that we had to act. Before, I had avoided them like the plague, especially because of what they said about General Sharon and about Nicaragua. But nobody could say they were interested in oil in the Balkans, or in strategic needs, and the people who tried to say that - like Chomsky - looked ridiculous. So now I was interested.
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The majority of pacifists either belong to obscure religious sects or are simply humanitarians who object to taking life and prefer not to follow their thoughts beyond that point. But there is a minority of intellectual pacifists, whose real though unacknowledged motive appears to be hatred of western democracy and admiration for totalitarianism. Pacifist propaganda usually boils down to saying that one side is as bad as the other, but if one looks closely at the writing of the younger intellectual pacifists, one finds that they do not by any means express impartial disapproval but are directed almost entirely against Britain and the United States
Anyone who thinks must think of the next war as they would of suicide.
You might think that the Left could have a regime-change perspective of its own, based on solidarity with its comrades abroad. After all, Saddam's ruling Ba'ath Party consolidated its power by first destroying the Iraqi communist and labor movements, and then turning on the Kurds (whose cause, historically, has been one of the main priorities of the Left in the Middle East). When I first became a socialist, the imperative of international solidarity was the essential if not the defining thing, whether the cause was popular or risky or not. I haven't seen an anti-war meeting all this year at which you could even guess at the existence of the Iraqi and Kurdish opposition to Saddam, an opposition that was fighting for 'regime change' when both Republicans and Democrats were fawning over Baghdad as a profitable client and geopolitical ally. Not only does the 'peace' movement ignore the anti-Saddam civilian opposition, it sends missions to console the Ba'athists in their isolation, and speaks of the invader of Kuwait and Iran and the butcher of Kurdistan as if he were the victim and George W. Bush the aggressor.
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